Morphology in the Untensed Clause with ko: Coordinate Structure or Not

초록

I claim that the untensed clause with ko is not an instance of coordination, but an adjunct CP headed by ko, which is a complementizer. I show that coordination approach of any kind, either VP as in Yoon (1993, 1994, 1997) or TP as in Chung (2001) cannot give an adequate account for the data as presented in the paper. It is also shown that from the present proposal the (a)symmetry of tense and mood interpretation involving the untensed clause headed by ko naturally follows. If the present proposal is on the right track, it has a nontrivial theoretical implication of suggesting that symmetry in morphology is not a factor in syntactic coordination quite unlike syntactic categories.

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